Liner Essay: Debo Band, “Debo Band” (Album)

Sub Pop Records, July 10, 2012

The Debo Band’s debut CD on Sub Pop/Next Ambiance came out today. Here is the text of the liner essay I contributed to the album. 

There’s something dangerous about tales of a Golden Age: especially a brief one. The so-called Golden Age of Ethiopian popular music (or Ethio-jazz, or Ethio-groove) lasted less than a decade. It took hold in the late 1960s in the cosmopolitan circles of Addis Ababa, fed by exposure to American soul and jazz, and boosted by the return of the Berklee College of Music-trained bandleader and arranger Mulatu Astatke. A blossoming scene produced, refined and sprouted new branches of a hitherto unheard synthesis of jazz (and Latin music) with Ethiopian pentatonic scales, distilled by brass-heavy bands adding guitar, vibraphone, and organ. But the 1974 coup that deposed Emperor Haile Selassie plunged Ethiopia into a long and difficult period of military rule and civil war. The swank nightlife of Addis shut down; the musicians scattered and the moment passed.

So the story goes. And it’s not wrong, in its broad outline. Certainly something special transpired in those years in Addis. The era produced an ample trove of recordings that now, decades later, have started to emerge from their hiding places, thanks to projects like the Ethiopiques series, curated by French producer Francis Falceto, and, not least, to the foresight of the Addis players and impresarios of the time who held onto the tapes as they dispersed around the world. The richness—the sheer grooviness—of this work and the seemingly bottomless reserve of material has made Ethio-jazz, not unlike Fela Kuti-era Afrobeat, the target of a growing field of cover and revival projects in hip precincts from New York to Tokyo to Amsterdam.

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Last Van to Korhogo

Note: This is the text of my essay in Transition magazine, issue 108, out in June 2012. The full text is posted for a limited time here, prior to the issue’s release.

Last Van to Korhogo

Suspended between war and peace in Ivory Coast

The filling station was no longer a filling station. The pumps had been removed, but the plaza remained, and so did the fluorescent lights, which now bathed in their tepid glow a low-slung cement building and, to either side, a clutch of white-sided vans parked tidily in a row, some with passengers sleeping on board. It wasn’t clear where one might go to get fuel, but the larger question was whether we could leave at all. At the checkpoint at the entrance of town, the rebel soldiers told us the roads were closed for the night, and that our van should park with the others and proceed at first light. Because of the innumerable checkpoints it had taken five hours instead of the usual three to get from Bouaké to this place, Niakara, where the road to Korhogo branched off from the main highway that ran north toward Mali. Now traffic was stopped and travelers milled about near the old filling station or wandered off toward some dim lights across the road in search of a cigarette or something to eat. The three Dioula ladies who had offered nonstop commentary and complaints all ride long from the rear bench of our van no longer seemed perturbed. They were merchants, bringing back goods from the government zone—much of the cargo roped to the van’s roof was theirs, and our departure from Bouaké had been delayed by a debate over how much weight the vehicle could handle—and they were accustomed to the inconvenience. They spread textile wraps onto an area of concrete next to the building and went directly to sleep.

Others were not so sanguine. The two men who’d sat near the front of the van and appointed themselves our spokesmen, gauging the seriousness of the rebels who boarded at checkpoints and how much to argue with their demands for bribes, now bristled at staying the night in this acrid place, with Korhogo, if the road was clear, only two hours away. While the driver and his apprentice—the teenager in charge of loading cargo and collecting fares—slunk off to get food, these two passengers yelled at the impassive young men in mismatched fatigues who sat in the plaza cradling old rifles. Then, having obtained no response, they strode off down the road toward the main checkpoint to figure out who was in charge. Soro and I listened but hung back. We were traveling with his wife and small daughter, whom he had just retrieved in Abidjan after a year’s separation due to the war, and I was clearly a foreigner. It was prudent not to cause a scene. We drifted to the small, dank shop across the plaza and purchased lukewarm Cokes from the shopkeeper, an elderly Mauritanian who assumed from my features that I belonged to the local Lebanese community and addressed me in Arabic. I apologized—désolé, tonton, je suis américain—and watched the old man struggle to make sense of this. The war had shut off what thin trickle of foreign tourists once passed through here, leaving only relief workers, who traveled together in white Land Cruisers, not alone in the middle of the night on board an overcrowded eighteen-seat Hiace.

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Free Okra

The Oxford American #49, April 2005

It was at the age of seven, at my grandmother’s table in Calcutta, that I formed a taste for okra. Indians often call okra “lady’s fingers,” and the preparations that came off the charcoal fire that the village-raised cook preferred to the kitchen stove were everything that the name connotes: smooth, delicate, and perfumed. Mustard oil infused the okra slices and deepened their flavor. Cumin, turmeric, or chilies added zest. This was okra unabashed and uncut, the perfect offset to a classic Bengali meal of pungent river fish and simple steamed rice. The pods were rich, pillowy, and moist. I became hooked on okra for life.

In its Indian context, the green pod is ubiquitous and uncontroversial. So when I came to the United States, I was unprepared to find the vegetable in ill repute. Though commonly grown in Southern gardens, it is also roundly disliked. Its proponents seem to divide into nostalgics and militants. Everyone else is an okra hater.

I quickly discovered that okraphobia hinges on the pod’s characteristic texture. That lush, fertile consistency I loved as a child is known in American parlance as slime.  Even okra’s defenders have internalized the widely held notion that okra, if uncontrolled, is disgusting. Midway through chiding those who find okra’s texture unpleasant, food writer James Villas, a North Carolina native, adds parenthetically, “to be truthful, okra overcooked to a gummy, mushy mess is appalling.” One smart and uninhibited food critic, no stranger to okra, told me he avoids the West African okra stews available in his city because they resemble “green snot.” Cookbooks that include okra usually acknowledge that the vegetable is “slimy”—conceding the terms of engagement by accepting the language of the enemy—and make certain to offer okra selection and preparation tips to help defeat the ooze.

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Ebony and Ivoirité

Transition Magazine #94, October 2oo3. Reprinted at Alternet.

Jil-Alexandre N’Dia is living the Ivorian dream.

Eight years ago, N’Dia came to America. For the last five years, along with his childhood friend Daniel Ahouassa, N’Dia has run Abidjan.net, a popular Web site that caters to migrants from Ivory Coast, the West African nation of their birth. The site offers on-line editions of the country’s main newspapers, as well as message boards, recipes, and a store where visitors can order food, clothing, and music from back home.

Abidjan.net also features on-line personals for lonely Ivorians overseas. “We’ve had it all,” N’Dia tells me over lunch at a noisy Cheesecake Factory in suburban Maryland. “Relationships, marriages, guys who get girls pregnant and disappear, the whole works.” Best of all, the site turns a profit. It’s produced on a shoestring — as plain as any page on the Web, but crammed with the content its audience craves. Abidjan.net gets most of its revenue from advertisements, many of them placed by other immigrant businesses thrilled to find such a well-defined audience.

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